A future vision for a strong, cooperative continent
The problem with superpowers. Today’s world order is being held hostage by three superpowers: the United States, Russia, and China. Each seems to believe the globe can be neatly divided into spheres of influence — Russia over Europe, the US over the Americas, and China over Asia. Their actions reflect this belief: Russia claims Ukraine, China eyes Taiwan, and the US asserts strategic interest in Canada, Greenland, and Panama. This is outdated imperial geopolitics — incompatible with both the international norms of the UN and the emerging digital world, where cross-border cooperation is becoming ever more feasible.
Why these claims are unfounded. There are three key reasons these superpower claims do not stand up to scrutiny:
1. No real military threat. Ukraine poses no danger to Russia, Taiwan does not threaten China, and Canada or Panama are not a threat to the US.
2. No need for more territory or resources. These nations already possess vast landmasses and immense natural wealth. Expansion is neither necessary nor justifiable.
3. A failure of responsibility. We should expect global powers to uphold stability and support international order — not to undermine it. Instead, they behave like feudal lords, placing themselves above the rule of law.
Europe as an alternative model. Despite its imperfections, Europe offers a hopeful counterexample. Since the Second World War, the continent has experienced 80 years of peace, cooperation, and shared prosperity. Countries joining the EU have generally gained in wealth, stability, and democratic development. Other regions, such as Africa and Southeast Asia, are beginning to explore similar regional partnerships.
But Europe’s success also provokes resistance. Russia fears its people may look to Europe as a model for better governance. The US resents Europe’s sluggish decision-making, cultural liberalism, and weak defence posture — long reliant on American protection.
Justified criticism. In the matter of defence, the criticism is fair. It took Trump’s blunt rhetoric to shake Europe out of complacency. There is now talk of a more autonomous defence strategy, but concrete progress remains limited.
Europe is also heavily dependent on the US in other areas — especially in the digital sphere. Key infrastructure like cloud services, social media, and data systems is dominated by American Big Tech. This poses security risks, drains potential innovation, and reduces Europe’s economic leverage. In return, Big Tech often resists European regulation. A more independent digital infrastructure is urgently needed — along with broader strategic sovereignty.
The need for strategic autonomy. Europe must strengthen its autonomy in several key domains:
• Defence and security
• Digital infrastructure and IT
• Raw materials and energy supply
• Industrial and technological development
• Finance, taxation, and innovation
Although the US has long urged Europe to stand on its own feet, it now views Europe’s growing confidence with suspicion — as does Russia. An assertive Europe disrupts their vision of a tripolar world dominated by empires.
Superpower 2.0. Europe stands at a crossroads. Continuing along the current path—reactive, divided, dependent—will only lead to further decline. Only by developing into a modern, multilateral superpower can Europe protect and strengthen its values. This means maintaining the current model of sovereign member states with shared competences, but reinforcing it.
The EU functions reasonably well, but there are clear weaknesses:
- The veto system hampers decision-making.
- Brussels holds too few competences in critical areas: defence, digitalisation, healthcare, education, taxation, transport, and science.
- The ideal of a Europe with free movement of people, goods, and services is undermined by the persistence of national interests and the lack of harmonised legislation between countries.
A coordinated European policy in these areas would save billions and increase Europe’s capacity to act. The EU’s potential remains far from fully realised, due to entrenched national agendas and a lack of trust and cooperation. This is also one of the reasons the euro has not gained a stronger position as an international reserve currency.
Global cooperation through European leadership. Europe can and should be more than a regional player. It has the potential to become a global force for positive collaboration. What we’ve learned from 80 years of peaceful cooperation can be shared with emerging regional unions like the African Union or ASEAN.
Digital technologies enable this kind of cooperation: in health, agriculture, education, innovation, ecology, and culture. Experts, civil society organisations and governments can work together across borders — efficiently and inclusively.
With countries like Canada, South Korea, Japan, and others, Europe could also develop deeper partnerships based on equality, through new or expanded association agreements.
The United States of Europe. It is time to advocate for a new kind of European integration. Not as a clone of past empires, but as a Superpower 2.0 : multilateral, democratic, and future-oriented.
An internally structured Europe based on cooperation, and externally focused on partnership, not domination.
A Europe that values digital networks, human dignity, and global fairness.
Such a Europe could contribute to global peace, shared prosperity, and environmental recovery.
A future not only for people — but for the planet as a whole.
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